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  • Pandamonium! 12 panda babies cuddle

    By NBC News Bo Gu

    BEIJING – Too cute?

    Here is some video of a dozen baby pandas playing in a crib-like structure at the Chengdu Giant Panda Research Base in China’s southwestern province of Sichuan. 

    The 12 panda babies just made their debut at the research center on Monday. They were all born this year from eight different litters. 


    The Chengdu base started in 1987 with only four pandas, but now it has 108 giant pandas.

    China started sending its pandas overseas as a diplomatic gesture as in 1958. Now 32 giant pandas live outside China, including 13 in the U.S.

    In June 2011 China began conducting its once-a-decade “panda census” to learn how many are living in the country, but the results have not been released yet. According to the last census done in 2000, there were 1,596 pandas in China, with most of them living in Sichuan province.

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  • Knox trial reaches dramatic pinnacle

    Alessandro Bianchi / Reuters

    Amanda Knox, the U.S. student convicted of murdering her British roommate Meredith Kercher in Italy in November 2007, leaves the court during her appeal trial session in Perugia on Monday.

    By Claudio Lavanga, NBC News Producer
     
    PERUGIA, Italy – To journalists, a seat in Perugia’s appeals court for Thursday’s pleading by Knox’s defense team, and especially for this weekend’s verdict, is the hottest ticket in town.

    At least 370 journalists from all over the world asked for accreditation. About a third of them have already crammed the small room in the basement of the local court in the heart of the city center for the past week. How the others will make their way in, it’s anyone’s guess.
     
    Of course, there’s always the press room upstairs. But it’s so small it could soon be deemed a health and safety hazard. With so many people heading this way, a stampede is a likely scenario. Even for journalists, who are used to walking over each other’s bodies to get the perfect shot, it could prove to be dangerous.
     
    The last act of the trial, which should decide whether American student Amanda Knox and her Italian boyfriend Raffaele Sollecito walk free or spend their lives in prison for the murder of Meredith Kercher, is proving a suited finale for a drama that has gripped journalists, locals  and the worldwide audience alike.


    The setting couldn’t be any more appropriate for the dramatic trial to unfold: Perugia is a medieval jewel perched on top of a hill with breathtaking vistas over the rolling countryside of Umbria, a region in central Italy famous for its wine, truffles and for the past four year, a trial that has divided the nation and the world.

    Is Amanda Knox really a “she-devil,” as she was recently called by prosecutors who say she killed her former housemate Meredith Kercher, a “Venus in Furs” who enslaved her young Italian lover into participating in the crime? Or just a “Jessica Rabbit,” as a defense lawyer called her, who “is not bad, but was just drawn that way”?

    The question has been on every journalist’s mouth. Along with the taste of cappuccinos and truffles, that is.
     
    Cramming the outdoor tables of cafes and restaurants, journalists have turned the center of Perugia into an open-air court. They animatedly debate court proceedings, DNA findings and the reliability of the body of evidence in such detail that by now many of them they might have enough legal expertise to apply for a job as a forensic scientist or a defense lawyer.
     
    It’s difficult to blame them for their obsession, because wherever you are in Perugia, you don’t seem to be more than a few meters away from the murder case.

    As Amanda Knox's appeal of her murder conviction enters its final stages, her father speaks to TODAY's Matt Lauer, saying his daughter is "fighting for her life."

    For instance, while eating a recent meal on a restaurant terrace overlooking Perugia’s rolling hills, word came out that one of the cooks was a Bangladeshi immigrant renting the room in Via della Pergola where Kercher was killed. On a separate night, while sitting at a bar sipping grappa, a street seller offering roses turned out to be another housemate in the “house of horrors.” 

    So much for the house owner’s recent claim that she is suing for 100,000 euro in damages for the loss in value of Knox and Kercher’s former apartment and the difficulties in renting it out. Even if it’s unclear who exactly she would sue, it seems, instead, that every other person in Perugia lives in Via della Pergola number 7.  

    The journalist’s camp is divided: on one side, most foreign journalists believe Knox is a victim of a flawed Italian justice system that turned the murder trial into a witch hunt. On the opposite side, mainly Italian journalists don’t believe in Knox’s innocence.

    This is Italy, after all, and “drug-fueled sex orgies gone wrong,” as a local journalist pointed out, have been part of everyday life since the days of the Roman Empire.
     
    But don’t blame the journalists for the sensationalism surrounding this trial.
     
    The prosecutors and defense lawyers alike took turns in providing comical moments that turned the trial into a show worth paying for.

    In one of her best performances so far, Manuela Comodi, one of the prosecutors, pulled out a new bra in front of the judges and jury to show them how Kercher’s bra was ripped by her assailant. The price tag from Intimissimi, a nearby lingerie shop, was still hanging off it, and one of the shop’s bags was on the prosecution’s desk.

    One has to wonder is Intimissimi will follow Abercrombie & Fitch’s and Lacoste’s examples. The first offered to pay Mike “The Situation” Sorrentino not to wear their brand for fear of damaging its image. And Lacoste recently pleaded with Norway’s police to stop mass murderer Anders Behring Brievik from wearing their clothes.

    Given the increasing fictionalization of characters involved in this trial and the dramatic plot getting richer by the day, this trial might soon be in need of a sponsor.

  • Fear in Kabul: 'A city up for grabs'

    KABUL— As with many episodes of violence, the news spread quickly.

    Khuram was driving home Sunday evening when he received a call from the office that something had happened at the U.S. embassy in the Afghan capital

    “We heard different things about it,” said the 25-year-old, who works as a communications officer for a development organization.  (He only wanted to give one name.)  “Some of the media was talking about whether it was local staff who had started shooting [at] Americans.  But some of them were also saying it was a Taliban rocket attack.”

    A U.S. Embassy spokesman confirmed on Monday that a "shooting incident" took place at the embassy’s “annex” inside the grounds.  An Afghan employed by the U.S. government was identified as the attacker — apparently the lone one — who killed one American and wounded another.  The gunman himself was also killed.

    But in a way, such details don’t matter to the Afghans living in Kabul.

    “Every week there is something happening,” said Khuram, whose family comes from Wardak and who moved to the capital in 2003.  “It’s mentally disturbing.”

    The shooting was the third high-profile assault in as many weeks to rock the city. 

    On Sept. 13, insurgents sustained a day-long assault on another part of the American embassy and NATO headquarters, killing nine people. 

    Last week, Burhanuddin Rabbani, former Afghan president and the chief broker of Afghanistan’s peace talks, was assassinated in his own home in Kabul by a suicide bomber who hid the device in his turban.

    “No one is feeling secure in Afghanistan, especially the capital now,” said Zohra Kohistani, a young woman who was born in Kabul. She said the situation had deteriorated markedly in the past year.  Her workplace, the Central Bank of Afghanistan, was the target of an attack in June of last year when 15 people were killed by heavily armed gunmen.

    A proxy war?
    As one journalist covering Afghanistan put it, “The ease with which suicide bombers can infiltrate the Kabul police’s so-called ring of steel to attack hotels, lob rocket-propelled grenades at the U.S. embassy or kill prominent Afghans intensifies the increasing impression that this is a city up for grabs.”

    “I think every generation like me, they all think about leaving Afghanistan, because…everything is different,” said Kohistani. 

    No matter what precautions one takes, she said, “The problem is that you cannot know when it happens and how to stay safe here. Because you’re just in your car and traveling to your work and suddenly a man in a motorbike or another car comes and you see an explosion.”

    Educated, middle-class Afghans like Khuram have tried to rationalize the violence. 

    “Some of the people here are saying [it’s because] the Americans are putting pressure on the Pakistanis, and Pakistan is taking revenge on the Americans here in Afghanistan,” he surmised. 

    And Khuram, who maintains that he is optimistic about his troubled country’s future, proffered a stark solution. It was time to stop allowing other nations to use his country in a proxy war between the U.S. and Pakistan, he said. 

    “If we don’t say anything and wait for one side or the other to help us, we are wasting our time," Khuram said. "We have already lost thousands of people in so many years of war.  The Afghans need to stand up and do something. If the Pakistanis want war, then the Afghans should give them war.”

     

    Related links: Taliban flex muscles with Afghan assassination

  • Mexico's 'never befores' hit a new low

    Reuters

    Police and members of a forensic team stand around the 35 bodies abandoned on a road on the outskirts of Veracruz on Tuesday.

    By Julio Vaqueiro, Telemundo Correspondent

    MEXICO CITY – The scene was shocking. Masked gunmen blocked a busy road in the once-quiet port city of Veracruz, abandoning two trucks with 35 bodies inside, near a big shopping center. It was Tuesday at 5 p.m., broad daylight.

    People on the streets watched the corpses being left at an underpass. Some of the victims had their hands tied and showed signs of having been tortured. The picture could have been extracted from a horror movie.

    According to Veracruz state Attorney General, Reynaldo Escobar, 23 of the victims were men and 12 were women. “We have never seen a situation like this before,” said Escobar.

    His words resounded across the country: Mexico is becoming the country of “never befores.”

    Never before had we seen so many corpses dumped together on a busy avenue in a tourist port. Never before had we seen 52 people being killed inside a casino in the city of Monterrey until a group of criminals burned the place on Aug. 25. Never before had we seen a car bomb explosion in a Mexican city until it happened on July 2010 in Ciudad Juarez. Never before had panic gripped fans during a shooting near a soccer match until it happened in Torreon, Coahuila state. Within seconds of the first pops of gunfire, people ducked under their seats for cover, then thousands rushed onto the field, seeking escape, some carrying children.

    But we have seen all of that now, and the new problem seems to be that we are running out of “never befores.”


    ‘Lack of governability’
    More than 36,000 people have been killed since Mexican President Felipe Calderon launched his crackdown on Mexican drug cartels in December 2006, according to figures released by the Mexican government in January 2011. But many put the number closer to 40,000, and the deaths include suspected drug gang members, security forces and innocent bystanders.   

    Criminal organizations have thrived here for decades, smuggling narcotics north into the United States. The cost to the Mexican people, though, has never been this high. The public brutality of the killings has terrorized whole communities.

    Narco culture permeates Mexico and is leaking across the border into the U.S. Click on the photo above to see a complete slideshow about Mexico's narco culture.

    “These crimes occurring during day light prove the lack of governability we’re living in,” said security analyst José Reveles. “You shouldn’t be able to drive two trucks full of corpses around the streets of Veracruz. But these criminals did.”

    Many feel let down by the authorities. Corruption is rampant, and the presence of the army and federal police in the country’s drug hot spots seems to have only created an upsurge in violence.

    In many cases, authorities say it is just a matter of criminals killing criminals, and they rarely investigate the murders; however, the situation is much more complicated than that. It is true that among the 35 bodies found in Veracruz, many had criminal records, but it is also true that one of the victims was a police officer, and two of them were under 18 years old.

    Furthermore, every one of the 35 men and women dumped there, and every one of the tens of thousands killed during this war, has left behind a family in grief.

    Many of the victims’ relatives have given up hope of finding justice. Many Mexicans who have witnessed the violence on the streets live in fear and in silence. Some never even report the deaths of loved ones to the authorities out of fear of retribution.

    ‘Enough is enough’
    Poet Javier Sicilia is a leader in the fight against the rampant drug violence. The killing of his 24-year-old son, Juan Francisco, in an episode blamed on drug gangs during March of this year, has made him the loudest voice condemning the bloodshed that has ravaged parts of Mexico. He has given a face and a name to the victims and their relatives. Now they are expressing their anger and giving a more transparent picture of the damage these atrocities have had on Mexican society.

    “I’m a moral voice – I have to do this out of my moral convictions, because people have asked me to do it,” Sicilia has told the media more than once. Thousands have followed him in four different marches across the country with the rallying cry “enough is enough.”

    Watch a clip from President Felipe Calderon's new TV tourism campaign called "Mexico Royal Tour."

    The massacre in Veracruz is only the latest in an ongoing stream of horrors.Just as the 35 bodies were dumped in the tourist zone in Veracruz, Calderon unveiled a new TV program to try to lure tourists back to the country. The timing couldn’t have been worse.

    “It’s between ridiculous and pathetic to see President Calderon taking his time to go around the country’s beauty in the times we’re living in,” journalist Carmen Aristegui told Telemundo. “It’s black humor.”

    The images from the travel television program – a happy president climbing Mayan pyramids, and more – clash with the pictures of the half-naked bodies on Veracruz’s road. Just as the country Mexicans actually want to live in clashes with the reality of it. 

  • Sharing blood - between Israelis and Palestinians

    Palestinian Wajee Tameise and Israeli Mashka Litvak donate blood together as part of the "Blood Relations" project.

    By Paul Goldman, NBC News Producer

    TEL AVIV – The grief and sorrow on both sides of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is torturous. Families from both sides have been left to mourn their lost loved ones after years of armed conflict. Young kids that died on the West Bank streets fighting Israeli soldiers and young Israeli kids that boarded a deadly bus not knowing a suicide bomber was sitting next to them.

    It is natural for family members of victims to feel a mix of incredible emotions: anger, grief and a desire for revenge. 

    Out of all those emotions one amazing organization was born: The Parents Circle Family Forum. Its members all had immediate family killed in the conflict.  But instead of hanging on to hatred and revenge, they have all worked to spearhead a reconciliation process between Israelis and Palestinians.



    “We are unfortunately witnessing an acceleration process of dehumanization,” said Dr. Aliva Savir, a member of the Parents Circle Family forum. “There is an urgent need to stress the human dimension of this conflict.”

    This week, while leaders from both sides are at the United Nations and the world is focused on the Palestinians bid for statehood, more blood was exchanged on the streets of Israel.  But this time the blood was given willingly through intravenous tubes.

    The family forum organized the “Blood Relations” project during which about 50 Israelis and Palestinian who had lost loved ones in the conflict donated blood.

    Palestinian Wajee Tameise and Israeli Mashka Litvak sat next to each other while they made their donations. Tameise lost his brother to the conflict in 1991. Litvak also lost her brother, Arnon Litvak, who died during an army battle in 1970 and her father, Moshe Litvak, who was killed during the 1947 war for independence.

    Their blood donations will be shared by both Israeli and Palestinian hospitals with the message "Will you hurt someone who has your blood running through their veins?"

    “We want to be part of any future political agreement,” said Ali Abu Awwad, one of the project’s managers. “There is a need for an ongoing dialog towards peace, whatever the result of the Palestinian quest for an independent state is.” 
     

  • He swapped bombs for babies, death for diapers

    Paul Goldman/ NBC News

    Alaa Sanakreh, with his wife, Jasmine, and their two children in Nablus, West Bank. The former al-Aksa Martyrs' Brigade commander says he has laid down his arms and will no longer use violence to try to achieve Palestinian independence.

    By Martin Fletcher, NBC News Correspondent

    NABLUS, West Bank – Alaa Sanakreh told me several times he knew the Israelis would kill him one day, that he would never get married and have babies.

    As the leader of the al-Aksa Martyrs’ Brigades in the Balata refugee camp in the West Bank city of Nablus, Sanakreh was near the top of Israel's hit list for years. Every day he expected to be shot. He moved from safe house to safe house with a band of bodyguards, coordinating attacks against Israelis. He slept by day and patrolled the refugee camp's narrow alleys by night. Sanakreh said his only hope was that his brothers Ahmed and Ibrahim would live and continue the family line.

    It didn't work out that way. Ahmed, the bomb maker, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers. So was Ibrahim, a schoolboy, who broke the curfew because he heard Ahmed had been shot and was shot himself.

    Sanakreh buried both his brothers, accepted an Israeli amnesty  and today is a Palestinian security officer with the Preventive Security unit.

    During the Intifada he was one of my best sources. I had visited him many times, and this week I went back to ask him a simple question: "You fought against Israel for years because you wanted your own country.  Do you agree with President Mahmoud Abbas's call in the United Nations for a Palestinian state?"

    I wanted to know whether the former fighters might take up arms again if they don't get what they want. That is what most concerns Israel, America and many Palestinian leaders. They all say they don't want any more violence, that the way forward has to be through peaceful means. But if the young fighters, and the next generation of even younger men, are not satisfied, will they go back to the guns and the bombs?

    Sanakreh has moved out of the refugee camp into a two-bedroom apartment in a new building in town. His wife,  Jasmine, who is studying for her masters in political science, sat on the sofa, wearing jeans and a scarf to cover her hair. She held their one-month-old son, Ahmed, while Sanakreh sat next to her, trying to persuade their two-year-old daughter, Bana, to stop running around and sit still.

    Many Palestinians were disappointed by President Obama's speech at the UN, but at home, rallies and celebrations conveyed strong support for their leader, President Abbas. See NBC's Martin Fletcher report and interview with Alaa Sanakreh.

    While Sanakreh was on the run, I had never seen him smile. Surrounded by his young family, he couldn't stop grinning.

    And as for my question, it hit a nerve.

    He leaned forward and stared into my eyes. "Would I fight again? Martin, you saw with your own eyes my brother die, I tried to save him, but they killed him, God bless him. Do you think I wanted my brothers to die? I don't want those days back. I don't want more intifada and those problems."  His sharp cheekbones framed his olive face, his eyes were dark and piercing. He waited for me to respond and I didn't.

    He looked at his wife as if for approval and stroked his baby's head, damp from sleep. He smiled again.

    "This is my son, Ahmed , just one month, and my daughter, Bana. I want to live in love and peace, I don’t want war any more. Like you love life, we do too. For sure you don’t like to die or to be under war? I am the same, like you, I think."

    And if Abbas comes back with nothing, I asked, what then?

    "The president ordered us to stop fighting.  We are under our own control, now we are working for security branches, we want stability and to work with respect. Abbas will come back and we will have a state and then we will negotiate with Israel. Fighting? No. Enough."

    I believe Sanakreh. He swapped bombs for babies, death for diapers. When he begins to tell me something about his life fighting the Israelis his wife's hand shoots into the air, as if smacking it, and with a glare she silences him. "She hates to hear about that part of my life," Sanakreh said with a smile.

    He met Jasmine at al-Najah University while he was still a fighter. He wanted to marry her then, but her parents wouldn't hear of it. They didn't want a corpse for a son-in-law.

    Then Israel offered all the Palestinian militants an amnesty: Surrender your weapons, give up the fight and go in peace. Sanakreh accepted. Jasmine's parents then accepted him. He married Jasmine, and as far as he is concerned, he says, the fight is over. But not the struggle for a Palestinian state. It has just become non-violent.

    Do most Palestinians think the same? I don't know. The polls show they do.

    But one officer in the Palestinian security services said to me, "We're most afraid of the young men in the refugee camps like Balata, Jenin, Hebron. If they don't get something real from these talks, they will be very angry. We don't know what they will do."

    Martin Fletcher, longtime NBC News’ Middle East correspondent and author of "Breaking News" and "Walking Israel," is publishing his first novel October 11 with St Martin's Press. "The List" is set in the last three months of 1945 in London.

    Related link: Israeli PM: Palestinians' bid for statehood through U.N. will fail

  • Taliban flex muscles with Afghan assassination

    Stringer/Afghanistan / Reuters

    Afghanistan's former president Burhanuddin Rabbani smiles during an interview with Reuters in Kabul in this November 1, 2004 file photograph.

    By Jim Maceda, NBC News Correspondent

    LONDON – The killing of 71-year-old Burhanuddin Rabbani on Tuesday resonates deeply among generations of Afghans.

    Rabbani was a household word years before many ever heard of Hamid Karzai. A former president of Afghanistan, Rabbani took power right after the fall of the Afghan Communist regime, in 1992. It was his refusal to compromise with the other mujahedeen factions seeking to form a new government that triggered Afghanistan’s bloody civil war. At least 50,000 Afghan civilians died in that war.

    One need go no further west in Kabul than to the zoo to see the lingering signs of that war – where opposing militias battled, literally, across streets, pummeling each other with rockets and heavy machine guns, turning whole neighborhoods into ruins of mud and brick.

    So it seemed ironic to me and many that this once belligerent man, so intimately connected with Afghanistan’s wars, would be named, a year ago, to head President Hamid Karzai’s High Peace Council, a  panel charged with bringing the Taliban, effectively, in from the cold.

    Rabbani hoped to win over the Taliban foot soldiers with promises of amnesty and jobs if they surrendered their weapons and supported the constitution. He made some inroads with a few Taliban mid-echelon leaders. There were recurring rumors of “talks about talks” with the so-called “Quetta Shura” – the highest council for the Taliban’s top commander, Mullah Mohammed Omar, in exile in Pakistan. But the Peace Council accomplished little.

    And now it’s emerged, mostly from unofficial tweets inside Kabul, that Rabbani himself may have died at the hands of a Taliban suicide bomber who greeted the elder statesman in his own home, pretending to seek reconciliation – with a bomb hidden in his turban.

    If true, this would be at least the fourth “turban bombing” this summer, all targeting Afghan government officials, and taking clever advantage of the one piece of male dress that’s too religiously sensitive to be checked by Afghan security.

    Symbolic victory
    The Taliban lost no time claiming responsibility for Tuesday’s bombing. Directly targeting the pro-government, larger-than-life Rabbani would not only be a huge symbolic victory. Rabbani also had a real job, and a mission – to make peace with the Taliban. His assassination was the Taliban’s counter-offer.

    And it won’t be lost on Afghans. Once again, a deadly attack – four of Rabbani’s bodyguards were killed and another Peace Council official seriously injured – occurred in Kabul’s “Green Zone,”  a high-end, diplomatic enclave surrounded by Afghan police checkpoints. The zone has become a virtual magnet for Taliban attacks this summer: There have been four major incidents in or near this area since June. During a 20-hour siege last week, several rockets hit the U.S. Embassy grounds.

    Tuesday’s suicide attack may just reinforce what many Afghans have already concluded – that the Taliban can strike at will, no matter where, no matter how safe it might appear. The U.S. Embassy may have escaped  incoming rocket fire this time, but its staff had to carry out a “duck and cover” lock-down, just the same.

    Meanwhile, a world away,  Karzai met quickly Tuesday at the U.N. with President Barack Obama. The he cut his trip short to return, crestfallen, to Kabul. A city whose security he proudly boasts now rests in the hands of Afghan forces themselves. Karzai spoke firmly in New York, saying Rabbani’s tragic death wouldn’t deter him from the path of reconciliation.

    But what we’re seeing emerge in Kabul is the build-up of the Taliban’s asymmetric “summer offensive.” It is no longer being fought in their traditional strongholds, many of which are now held by U.S. and coalition forces, but in the leafy streets and expensive homes of the Green Zone.

    The tactic is as simple as it is brutal – destabilize the government, one frightful assassination at a time – while the U.S. “occupiers” huddle in their embassy, waiting for the “all clear” sign.  

    Jim Maceda is an NBC News Correspondent based in London, who has covered Afghanistan since the 1980’s.

    Related links: Ex-Afghanistan president slain in his Kabul home

    Photo blog: In Rabbani's footsteps: Afghanistan's tangled political history

  • After the cheering, Libyans wary but optimistic

    Mike Taibbi / NBC News

    Majdi Errabti, a 28-year-old Libyan trying to make his way in the post-Gadhafi world.

    By Mike Taibbi, NBC News Correspondent
     
    TRIPOLI – When Libya's rebel brigades roared into this capital city on Aug. 21, Majdi Errabti  felt he had to be a part of the excitement.  

    "I told my mother, 'You cannot stop me from joining the fighting, because if I don't, it will be the shame of my life, and for the life of all my children.' She said she understood,” he said.

    The 28-year-old Errabti grabbed a gun, but he never fired it. Instead, with rebel checkpoints already set up and the city clearly secure, Errabti left the fighters he'd joined and retreated in a mood of triumph to his neighborhood in Tripoli's Old City.

    His excitement unabated, he went to his mosque, turned on the loudspeakers, and shouted into the microphone reserved for the call to prayer. "Allahu Akbar, Allahu Akbar, Allahu Akbar..." God is Great.

    "My mother heard it," he said with a smile, remembering the moment. "She said she recognized my voice, and was proud of me."

    A month later, though, there's been nothing to match the high of that moment of pure celebration.


    Longtime dictator Moammar Gadhafi is gone, but in hiding and still issuing threats through messages carried by a sympathetic news channel in Syria. In two cities long favored by his regime – his hometown of Sirte and the tribal town of Bani Walid – Gadhafi loyalists have refused each offer of peaceful surrender and answered each rebel advance over the past week with blistering storms of artillery and sniper fire. The impasse has left the anti-Gadhafi forces confused, humiliated, and counting their dead.

    In Tripoli and in Libya's second city, Benghazi, the National Transitional Council – though recognized by scores of countries and by the United Nations as Libya's official governing authority – is struggling to actually begin governing. With squabbling rife in the top ranks, they've failed in a first attempt to name a cabinet.

    Tripoli, with more than 1 million residents, is peaceful and surging with new life in the absence of all but celebratory gunfire, but there's an uneasy undercurrent in the cafe talk about the NTC's military and political problems.
     
    After a six-month sprint made possible by the NATO bombing campaign and the support of an international coalition, the  ragtag rebellion  that toppled Gadhafi  appears to have hit a wall. The anti-Gadhafi forces can't seem to find a way to finish the job of winning the war; equally, it appears they're struggling in the beginning stages of winning the peace.
                                                                                                                                                                               
    Struggles under Gadhafi regime
    It doesn’t faze Errabti. "No, I'm not worried," he says. "It's a big country with different cultures, from Misrata to the mountains of Nafusa, from Bengazi to Tripoli. It takes time..."

    Errabti's English is terrific. "Is there some shop you specifically have in mind?" he asked me when I told him I needed to go into the city center. He'd studied English in college and thought that even under Gadhafi his proficiency in one of Tripoli's popular secondary languages, along with computer literacy, would gain him a career.

    But it didn't work out that way. Life under Gadhafi, he learned, was a relentless uphill swim against the twin waves of cronyism and a kind of institutional torpor that made the white-collar office jobs he sampled something akin to slow torture.

    Francois Mori / AP

    Libyan fighters chants slogans as they take control of Moammar Gadhafi loyalists' villages in the desert 466 miles south of Tripoli, at Gohta, Sept. 18, 2011.

    "I went to one insurance company to work," he said. "But the people there, they didn't even deserve to be working. They couldn't write, they didn't care. I couldn't take it, being there. I had to quit."
      
    Errabti even engaged in some cronyism of his own: A family friend who was Gadhafi's minister of justice offered him a job teaching English to the prisoners in one of the regime's notorious jails.

    It turned out to be miserable. The conditions were horrific, the men just husks of human beings.

    And so he quit again, But, with growing responsibilities and living expenses, he needed to raise money, and fell into a years-long pattern of day work for small amounts. Cleaning fish and selling them out of the trunk of his car. Installing or repairing air conditioners. "Usually, it was 10 dinar a day," he said. That’s about eight dollars.
         
    He did get one break -- playing basketball for the Tripoli police team in a second-tier pro league. In one 40-game season he earned about $325 dollars a month, until he blew out a knee. Then it was back to day work.
         
    "When I finished university, people told me, 'You have a good future, you'll do fine,'" he said wistfully. Instead he fell into a life of subsistence labor and an indolence he knew was dangerous. "Too many days you just wake up, hang around with friends, go back to sleep. You wake up and hang around some more."
    Some of those friends were lost to alcohol. Even in Muslim Libya, where alcohol is officially banned, it's not hard to find bokha, the popular homemade moonshine. And some turned to heroin. Errabti pantomimed an injection. "Yes, it is here too."
         
    I asked him if during that period he had lost hope. "I did not lose hope," he answered, "I believed Allah would give me everything I want and need." He looked away for a few seconds, thinking, looked back at me. "But, I lost time. A lot of time."

    Despite slow progress, hope for future
    In the big outdoor cafe on the edge of Tripoli's Algerian Square, groups of men spend the afternoons drinking coffee and smoking hubbly bubbly, a tobacco concoction cooled by water and inhaled through long flexible pipes. We joined three men at one table and each explained in his own way why the undercurrent of unease about the slow pace of progress doesn't translate to real worry.

    "You must understand," said an older man named Abdel Zagozi, "that we are all just now speaking freely for the first time. And when we speak freely, we find we sometimes disagree! There is no problem with that, because that is freedom!"

    He echoed Errabti's thoughts about the need to give the transition time, and that he continued to be happy beyond words simply to be able to tell his three children that their lives would be theirs to determine on their own.
         
    The younger man at the table, Abdul Moshdi, agreed, adding that all Libyans, and not just those who end up as leaders, have to participate in the task of shaping the freedom now in their grasp. "The future is in our hands," he said. "It is our desire. We must all do something to make it a good future."
         
    For Errabti, that means putting his career dreams back on the front burner.
         
    He says he is looking for an opportunity "where I can use my education, my English language. Perhaps in media ... telling the story of what was accomplished here."
         
    I asked if it would worry him if Gadhafi continued to elude capture, perhaps for months or years or even indefinitely, becoming a figure of mystery with newly mythic powers sufficient to drive a counter-insurgency.  

    "I don't worry," he said, "because he will never come back to power, it is impossible now. And if someone who is in power does even one percent of what Gadhafi did, the people would reject him immediately."
         
    He said again, "I don't worry."

    Related link: Obama to Libyans: 'We will stand with you'

  • Has DSK suffered enough for the French public?

    Thomas Samson / AFP - Getty Images

    A television screen shows former IMF chief Dominique Strauss-Kahn on Sept. 18.

    By Stephanie Gosk, NBC News Correspondent

    PARIS - Sunday night saw an unprecedented moment in French history: More than 13 million people, the biggest TV audience since 2005, tuned in to watch a man once thought to be a top presidential contender discuss private indiscretions and express regret. 

    The live appearance, watched closely by both the general public and the country’s chattering classes, was France’s “Clinton moment,” one historian said, referring to the former American president’s public pronouncements on his relationship with  Monica Lewinsky.

    With his career and reputation in tatters, the former highly respected head of the International Monetary Fund, Dominique Strauss-Kahn said he was guilty of moral wrongdoing when he had sex with a hotel maid in New York City last May.


    Nevertheless, he denied that he tried to rape the woman, Nafissatou Diallo.

    “So what happened? What happened didn’t involve violence, no criminal act,” the 62-year-old told a TV news anchor.  “What happened was not only an inappropriate relationship, but more than that it was an error.  It was a failing vis-à-vis my wife, my children and my friends, but also a failing vis-à-vis the French people, who had vested their hopes for change in me.”

    Shannon Stapleton / Reuters

    Nafissatou Diallo, the Manhattan hotel maid who accused Dominique Strauss-Kahn of sexually assaulting her, is escorted from Manhattan Criminal Court on July 27.

    Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance dropped all charges against Strauss-Kahn on Aug. 23, telling a judge that Diallo was simply not credible.

    Despite French’s reputation for indifference to their politicians’ private failings, that was not enough for Strauss-Kahn’s critics.  A recent poll by Le Journal du Dimanche newspaper showed that more than 50 percent of the public want DSK (as he is often referred to here) to retire from politics altogether.

    The NBC News crew watched the interview with author, journalist and fierce Strauss-Kahn critic Nicole Bacharan.  Even before it began, Bacharan was pointed out that the TV news anchor asking the questions also was also a close friend of DSK's wife, Anne Sinclair.

    “It’s not very satisfying,” she said when the interview was over. “He didn’t give a credible version of what happened (in the hotel room).  He didn’t give any version of what happened in that six to nine-minute encounter.”

    Strauss-Kahn’s demeanor also stuck Bacharan.

    “He seemed very angry to be in that position to have to explain himself about such a tawdry affair,” she said.  “I didn’t hear him say he was sorry to the French people.”

    'Like Indiana Jones'
    Strauss-Kahn will have to do more to win back the trust of people throughout the country if he hopes to return fully to the French political scene. 

    Acknowledging that fact, Strauss-Kahn said he wouldn’t seek the presidency.  He does hope to regain his position as a prominent economist, however.

    Strauss-Kahn is largely credited with bringing relevance back to the International Monetary Fund during the global economic crisis. 
    Many also believe he is one of a small handful of economists capable of guiding Europe out of its current deep economic crisis.

    That is the role he hopes to take on assuming he can salvage a career out of the aftermath of the scandal.  Biographer Michele Taubmann believes he can.  “He is the comeback kid,” he said.  “He is like Indiana Jones.”

    “He has the experience of pain.  He is not only a bright man, a competent man,” Taubmann said. “He is also a man who has suffered, a man who has recognized his mistakes.”

    Strauss-Kahn said several times that he has paid and paid dearly for those mistakes. 

    The question the French need to answer now is whether he has paid enough. 

  • Palestinians face US counteroffensive on UN vote

    President Mahmoud Abbas said he would demand full membership of the United Nations for a Palestinian state when he goes to the U.N. General Assembly next week, setting up a diplomatic clash with Israel and the United States. NBC's Andrea Mitchell reports.

    By Andrea Mitchell and Catherine Chomiak, NBC News

    U.S  officials are working feverishly to persuade the Palestinians to back down from what is still only a threat to go to the United Nations Security Council with their demand for immediate statehood.

    On Friday, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said he will request full membership at the United Nations when the General Assembly convenes next week.

    One official told NBC News after Abbas's announcement that "this is a negotiation. They say they are doing it until they say they aren't doing it."

    The U.S. has been resolute in its opposition to the proposed action and is engaged in frantic last-minute diplomatic discussions to try to head it off.


    Just Thursday, Secretary Clinton reaffirmed the administration’s view, saying, "we believe strongly that the road to peace and two states living side-by-side does not go through New York. It goes through Jerusalem and Ramallah and it is our absolute conviction that we need to get the parties back to the negotiating table."

    Clinton also recently dispatched two top Middle East diplomats to the region. U.S. envoys David Hale and Dennis Ross have met with Israeli President Shimon Peres, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak. On the Palestinian side, they have met with Abbas and others.

    History or histrionics in UN’s Palestine vote?

     According to an official, the diplomats are offering alternatives to UN action, including a fast track to new talks between the two sides and further pressure on Israel to stop its settlements policy. 

    Their efforts may be paying off, as the Palestinian Authority has not yet taken the first procedural step needed to introduce a statehood resolution to the Security Council. 

    Israelis and Palestinians discuss their views on the Palestinians push for statehood at the U.N.

    The Palestinians would have to first send a letter to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon requesting that a resolution be brought to the Security Council. Ban in turn would write to the Security Council. A member of the council would then have to bring it up on behalf of the Palestinians. A resolution would then have to be drafted, debated and amended before it could be brought to a vote.

    The United States has said that it would veto such a resolution if it passes in the Security Council.  In order for a resolution to pass it must have nine votes of the council’s 15 members. If the resolution were to get nine votes, the U.S. or another of the five permanent members could exercise veto power.

    If the Palestinians either do not or cannot get the Security Council to vote on their resolution, they would seek the same status from the 193-member United Nations General Assembly. They will have overwhelming support in that body, and that would give them important leverage.

    However, the U.S. position remains that UN action will not bring about a two-state solution with both sides living in peace and security. “We all know that no matter what happens or doesn’t happen at the UN, the next day is not going to result in the kind of changes that the United States wishes to see,” Clinton said.

    Andrea Mitchell is NBC News' chief foreign affairs correspondent. Catherine Chomiak is NBC News' State Department producer.

    Palestinian UN vote: What is it? Why now?

  • History or histrionics in U.N.'s Palestine vote?

    Nasser Shiyoukhi / AP

    A Palestinian holding a national flag climbs the separation barrier during a protest against its construction in the West Bank village of Walajeh, outside Jerusalem, on Friday.

    ANALYSIS

    By John Ray, NBC News  

    TEL AVIV, Israel – In this overheated part of the world, it is often difficult to tell the difference between history and histrionics.

    How much is really revolutionary, and how much is merely rhetoric, words that will run into the sands?

    For instance, no one can yet tell how the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya will work out. Meet the new bosses, same as the old bosses? Or a genuinely fresh start?

    It’s the same with the Palestinian Authority’s decision to seek a United Nations-approved declaration of statehood.

    Is this a moment of truth, or just as likely, another weary milestone on a seemingly never-ending road to some kind of final settlement with Israel?

    Hope vs. reality
    That’s certainly the experience of Palestinian Attalah Tamimi. His face lined by the sun and his crew cut hair gray, he has witnessed many false dawns.

    On his wall, there is a photograph of a younger Tamimi as a prisoner in an Israeli jail. And there is another, in the uniform of Palestinian security forces.

    The years of fighting followed by peaceful protest and two decades of fruitless negotiations have not won back the land he says has been stolen by Israel.

    From a hilltop close to his West Bank home in the village of Nabi Saleh, Tamimi pointed across the valley to the red tiled roofs of a Jewish settlement.

    “They have built a swimming pool and a theater over my olive trees. We cannot even go to the well to draw water. The Jews say it’s a holy spring,” he said to  me.

    So now the United Nations beckons. And Tamimi, like many Palestinians, is caught between hope and reality.

    “In some ways it’s as important as 1988 when Yasser Arafat declared our Palestinian state. It is saying we are a nation, but we have never, ever had control of our land,” he said.

    “Now I want the United Nations to show that the world is with us. But I know we can never win until the Americans stop supporting Israel.’’

    Israelis and Palestinians discuss their views on the Palestinians push for statehood at the U.N.

    Showdown at the U.N.
    With both Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu scheduled to address the U.N. General Assembly next Friday, Sept. 23, it looks as if it will be a day of dramatic diplomacy.

    But it will likely be a day which in itself decides nothing.

    That’s because if a vote to recognize Palestine eventually goes to the Security Council, the U.S., one of five veto-wielding members, will likely veto it. It would be a mistake, some suggest, delivering another blow to America’s reputation in the Arab world as it backs Israel, its closest ally in the region.

    Meanwhile, at the General Assembly, which consists of all member states, the Palestinians probably already have enough supporters to win some form of enhanced status, short of nationhood.

    Senior Palestinian officials tell me if nothing else, this will raise the morale of their people. It will at the very least shake the dice, they say.

    The problem comes for the Palestinian leadership if it does no more than that – if hopes and expectations are raised, but the checkpoints, Israeli troops and settlers remain in place.

    Familiar battle for Israel
    From an Israeli point of view, it all ties together in a familiar narrative. A Jewish David against their Arab Goliath. A battle they have fought every day since the Jewish State was founded in 1948.

    Here’s what Netanyahu had to say about his mission to New York during a press conference on Thursday:

    “Now I know that the General Assembly is not a place where Israel gets a fair hearing. I know that the automatic majorities there always rush to condemn Israel and twist truth beyond recognition.  But I’ve decided to go there anyway – not to win applause, but to speak the truth to every nation that wants to hear the truth.’’

    Echoing U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Israelis say the path to peace runs through negotiations in Jerusalem, not confrontation in New York.

    That said, it might have helped the Israeli case if their government had come up with some kind of plausible plan over the past year. Instead, they have been painted by the rest of the world as the foot-dragging intransigents; refusing, for example, President Barack Obama’s demands to halt settlements.

    Chilly neighborhood for Israel
    And now, after the Arab Spring, the diplomatic weather has turned chillier still.

    Israel has fallen out with its one-time friend, Turkey, a rising power in the Muslim world whose Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is touring Arab Spring states and winning friends on the Arab street with an anti-Israeli zeal matched only by his enthusiasm for the Palestinian cause.

    “It's time to raise the Palestinian flag at the United Nations,”  Erdogan declared to an enthusiastic audience in Cairo. “Let's raise the Palestinian flag and let that flag be the symbol of peace and justice in the Middle East.”

    Egpyt, with a treaty dating back to 1979, is Israel’s most powerful neighbor and therefore its most important Arab partner in peace.

    But now, there are many in the maelstrom of forces unleashed by the uprising who are demanding that the treaty get torn up. Some of them even ransacked the Israeli Embassy in Cairo a week ago.

    The Israeli response has been unusually muted and measured. Why? Because this is the axis that Israel sees as truly vital to its security.

    History is at stake  –  let’s not wreck it with histrionics, you know they’re reasoning.

    Related link: Palestinian vote: What is it? Why now?

  • Pakistan flood victims take ‘double hit’

    Rehan Khan / EPA

    An aerial view of flooded areas in Pangrio, Sindh province, Pakistan, on Friday. The southern province of Sindh has been hit hard by the floods caused by unusually heavy monsoon rains.

    Amna Nawaz, NBC News Producer

    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan – After the devastating 2005 earthquake that struck Pakistan and killed 80,000, Sami Malik, a national officer for UNICEF here, spent months on the relief efforts. “I used to pray I would never again see that kind of suffering in my life.”

    Malik has just returned from a four-day, fact-finding mission to Pakistan’s southern province of Sindh, where torrential downpours have caused widespread flooding, and a new humanitarian crisis is emerging.

    Malik, a nine-year veteran of the organization, who was also part of their relief efforts during last year’s unprecedented floods, struggles to describe what he has seen.

    “One falls short of words,” he said. “Misery is the only word that comes to mind.”

    Last year’s floods caught international attention because of the scale of the disaster.

    Heavy rains in the north overwhelmed the water channels, forcing torrents of water south. The fast-moving floods breached surrounding banks, spilling over into villages, eventually leaving an estimated 20 percent of the country underwater.

    This year’s floods have gradually grown to emergency level due to persistent, torrential downpours concentrated in the south. Of 23 districts in the Sindh Province, 22 have been affected.

    According to a recently released United Nations report, an estimated 5.4 million people have been affected so far and 1.1 million homes have been destroyed. Over 300,000 individuals are currently living in relief sites, scattered around the region, and more than 250 people have died.

    Malik says many Pakistanis are experiencing a “double trauma.”

    “For many people in the worst-affected districts, it’s a double hit,” he said. “They had not yet recovered from last year’s floods, when this year’s hit.”


    Str / AFP - Getty Images

    Pakistani villagers evacuate household items in a flooded area of Umerkot on Friday.

    'Just stranded'
    Relief workers say the nature of this year’s flooding also complicates the relief response. The reaction from villagers in this region – most of whom already live well below the poverty line – lacked the panic they felt with last year’s fast-moving floods. They’ve been reluctant to leave their homes and few belongings behind, and when they do decide to move, they go only short distances to higher-ground – not necessarily to larger relief camps.

    “It becomes challenging to reach people when you have 100 or 150 people clustering in thousands of areas, as opposed to thousands of people in a single refugee camp,” said Kristen Elsby, Chief of Advocacy and Communication for UNICEF Pakistan.

    Malik described one such group he came across in the Mirpur Khas district.

    “There were about 100 people, all just sitting outside on an elevated section of ground,” he said. “They said they’d been out of their homes for nearly a month. Their animals had all drowned. They had only two cots they’d propped together to form a makeshift hut.  And they were just stranded.”

    Children, among the most vulnerable in any natural disaster, can be disproportionately affected in floods. The population structure in Pakistan – 35 percent of the population is under 14 years old according to the CIA Factbook – means children are among the most adversely affected. Those lacking clean, drinkable water supplies can be tempted to drink the water that surrounds them instead, exposing them to deadly waterborne diseases.

    “We saw unbelievable scenes,” Malik recalled from his field visit. “Waist-deep water, as far as the eye could see. And to my horror, children were swimming in that water, swallowing that water, not realizing what it can do to them.”

    Asif Hassan / AFP - Getty Images

    A Pakistani flood affected A Pakistani child cries beside a makeshift tent on the high ground of flooded area of Jhudo on Friday.

    Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Syed Yousef Raza Gilani have both made appeals for aid from the international community. Iran responded with a $100 million dollar pledge. Japan and China have promised relief goods and donations. The United States has paid for food packages for 23,000 families, and is working with local partners to distribute tents, clean water, and additional supplies.

    Gilani today cancelled his trip to the U.S. where he was scheduled to address the United Nations General Assembly, so he could stay behind to visit flood-affected areas and oversee the relief response.

    For UNICEF Pakistan, the most urgent need is to reach children with clean water, food, and medicine. The organization had already begun responding to the disaster while still gathering data in the field, and now hopes to scale up their response.

    Malik says it’s difficult not to feel “increasingly hopeless,” about the situation.

    “The lifestyle of these people, even under normal circumstances, is not at all enviable,” said Malik. “They’re already living in the margins of the margins. When such a calamity hits, you can’t imagine how their situation worsens.”

  • Taking the pulse on the streets of Tel Aviv and Ramallah

    Israelis and Palestinians discuss their views on the Palestinian push for statehood at the U.N.

    Palestinians are planning to make a push for recognition as an independent state at the United Nations next week.

    While Israelis and Palestinians are divided on the subject, there is some nuances in their opinions. NBC's Paul Goldman and Lawahez Jabari took to the street in Tel Aviv and Ramallah, respectively, to check the pulse of both Jews and Arabs on the looming U.N. vote.

    "For Israel it’s a good thing because I think we should separate ourselves and having there own country will eventually mean less trouble for us," said Yoav Glazer in Tel Aviv.

    But Gabi Halevi felt that the Palestinians push for recognition should be done in a differently. "They should negotiate with Israel secretly, in a discreet way, not through the rule of the U.N. I don’t think this will be good for them."

    Click on the video above to hear more opinions on the UN vote.


    "If we become a state recognized by other countries then we will have a better way of fighting for our rights," said Ali Shuker in Ramallah.

  • Palestinian UN vote: What is it? Why now?

     

    Marco Longari / AFP - Getty Images

    Palestinians take part in an anti-US demonstration in the West Bank city of Ramallah on Thursday. Dozens of Palestinians chanted slogans against the pressure by the US government on the Palestinian Authority to convince them to step down from the UN bid for membership state.

    By Yara Borgal, NBC News

    RAMALLAH, West Bank – The dusty miles of hillsides and olive groves, Arab villages, Jewish settlements and Israeli military checkpoints that make up the West Bank of the River Jordan are a world removed from the Vatican City. But one of the oddities of the Palestinians' latest efforts to build their own state is that the two might well end up on an equal diplomatic footing.

    One likely outcome of the Palestinian plan to take their case to the United Nations next week would see them elevated to the status of  “non-member observer’’ – the same status held by the pope’s city state.

    If they are lucky, it might be the best thing the Palestinians can achieve. 


    Seeking a different status
    Currently the Palestine Liberation Organization holds only “observer entity status” in the U.N.  If that status were to change to a full member, Palestinians would gain full voting rights at the U.N.

    However, in order for the General Assembly to admit Palestine as a full member state, U.N. Security Council approval is needed. The U.S., which opposes the Palestinian request, has veto power and the State Department has made it clear the U.S. will use it.

    “Washington has unfortunately declared that it’s going to veto our request,” said Dr. Mohammad Shtayyeh, a senior Palestinian official and an adviser to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

    “We will try again. Israel was vetoed twice, Jordan was rejected more than once, Portugal was rejected five times, Japan was rejected six times and so on.  History has taught us that this issue is not a one shot; it’s a process.”

    Option B
    Another option for the Palestinian Authority is to by-pass the Security Council and the U.S. veto and take its statehood request directly to the General Assembly, where approval requires a two-thirds majority vote –129 out of 193 member countries.

    According to Palestinian officials, 122 countries have already recognized Palestine, but they hope to gain the support of up to 150.

    If the General Assembly approves the request, it would grant only limited U.N. recognition as a non-member observer state – so Palestinians would not have the right to vote.

    However, it would allow the Palestinians to join dozens of U.N. bodies and conventions, including the International Criminal Court. That would give Palestinians the opportunity to file charges against Israel for alleged violations of international law – such as the continued settlement building.

    ‘A different mechanism’
    The Palestinians have long aspired to establish an independent, sovereign state within the 1967 borders.

    However, frustration from decades of on-and-off peace talks that have failed to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, has led the Palestinians, represented by the Palestinian Authority, to pursue new strategies.

    Shtayyeh pointed out that it has been 18 years since the Oslo Accords, which were supposed to set the stage for a resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. “Unfortunately, almost two decades later, the Israeli occupation of Palestine is entrenched and Israel’s occupation has turned into de facto annexation,” he said.

    “All that we are looking for is a new mechanism to end the conflict.  We are not going into violence, we are not going into armed struggle, we are not taking any unilateral steps. We are going to a multilateral forum that has 193 countries and we are asking this international community to speak loudly for a two state solution,” said Shtayyeh.

    He added that the move isn’t meant as a challenge to America.

    “We are saying to Washington and to the international community these peace talks have been ongoing for 20 years and they have not achieved their goal,” said Shtayyeh. “The goal is the same; we just simply need a different approach, a different mechanism.”

    The Palestinians also argue that their U.N. plan fits with the deadline set by the Middle East Peace Quartet –  the E.U., U.S., Russia and U.N. – to reach a two-state solution by September 2011.

    “Even President Obama was hoping to see Palestine admitted to the United Nations in his speech last September to the General Assembly, so everybody wants this to happen,” said Shtayyeh.

    Strong opposition from Israel
    Israel has made it clear that if the Palestinian request is passed, it will not change anything on the ground. The checkpoints, separation wall and settlements will still all be there. The creation of a Palestinian state on the basis of 1967 borders is something, they say, no Israeli government will accept because it threatens Israel’s security.

    However, the Israelis view this step as far from being a meaningless gesture. They worry about the legality of their occupation and the settlements in the West Bank being put to the judgment of the International Criminal Court. In theory, it might lead to Israeli officials being dragged repeatedly before the International Criminal Court at the Hague – something they obviously don’t want.

    The Israeli government, like the U.S., believes U.N. recognition of a Palestinian state will set back the peace process. Peace, they insist, can only be achieved through talks.

    Israel and the U.S. have urged the Palestinians to reconsider going to the U.N., warning of dire consequences.

    Some Israeli right wing officials have called for the suspensions of the transfer of tax revenues to the Palestinian Authority, the cancellation of all previous agreements and the annexation of territory containing settlement blocs in the West Bank to the state of Israel.

    The United States has threatened to stop all financial aid to the Palestinian Authority if they proceed with plans to ask the U.N. for recognition of an independent state.

    Realizing what’s at stake, the Palestinians have stated that they still intend to submit an application for recognition of Palestinian statehood to the Security Council as a first step.

  • How rap music fueled the Arab Spring uprisings

    Straight from the hood, it's rap from the street — except the hood is the Arab world, and the streets are countries in turmoil.

    By Karl Bostic, NBC News

    A bazaar in Libya's rebel capital of Benghazi might not appear to be the most obvious place to find a would-be Jay-Z.

    But 18-year-old Boge and many others like him are pushing the boundaries of freedom of expression across the Middle East. The rappers have even been credited with helping to spark the so-called Arab Spring uprisings that deposed three long-serving dictators and rocked several other regimes.

    Boge, who says he learned English from rap, is following in the footsteps of his hip-hop heroes KRS-One, Nas and Ice Cube.

    "Our families are dying but yeah we're still tough, Gadhafi is trying to assassinate us," he rhymes during an impromptu performance amid vendors selling flags, shirts and hats in revolutionary colors at a market in the eastern Libyan city where the revolt against Moammar Gadhafi began.

    Watch Boge perform in Benghazi, Libya 

    Boge recalls how rap was treated as a criminal offense under Gadhafi's rule. Two of his friends were arrested by the once-feared secret police — who were quick to stamp out any signs of political dissent.


    "They used to put us in prison just for rapping," says Boge, who grew up on a diet of Western TV and American hip hop. "I rap to prove something to myself — and the world."

    "Rap is dangerous" to the "system," Libyan rapper 'Boge' tells NBC's Karl Bostic.

    This phenomenon is not just confined to Libya. Rap music has inspired freedom fighters and pro-democracy protesters from Tunisia to Bahrain.

    When 20-year-old Tunisian rapper Hamada Ben Amor — known as "El General" — attacked President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in a song he posted online late last year it captured the imagination of a population hooked on Facebook and fed-up with injustice. 

    Entitled "Rais Lebled," the song chastised Tunisia's leader for not listening to his people who were "living like dogs" and forced to drink from a "cup of suffering." El General was subsequently arrested but his anthem helped to ignite the spark which eventually ended with thousands of people taking to the streets in January. Ben Ali later fled the country. 

    "I'm trying to repair what the ex-government broke," Tunisian hip-hop artist AJ (aka Glorious) says.

    At one recent concert in Monastir, the youthful crowd was filled with as much love for El General as they were for their country, repeatedly shouting "Vive Tunisie" (Long live Tunisia).

    The same infectious brand of rap, revolution, and patriotism was evident in Cairo as Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was forced out of office after decades of rule and also amongst Palestinians in the West Bank, who face different challenges in staging their own "thawra" — or revolution.

    The significant factor is youth: 60 percent people in the Arab world are aged under 30. Rap popularized calls for reform and the Internet spread that message like wildfire.

    Hip-hop artist Omar Offendum tells NBC's Karl Bostic that the youth are fed up with what is happening in the Middle East.

    Some of the leading names in movement include:

    Egyptian hip-hop artist 'Deeb' says it is "beautiful" to see hip-hop become the language of revolution.

    Watch Omar Offendum perform 'The Time is Now'

    Back in Libya, Boge admits that he hopes rap will give him the opportunity to travel. Following the fall of Tripoli, he will have new songs to sing about a free Libya.

  • Carpet salesman leads hunt for Gadhafi

    Hisham Buhagiar, a carpet salesman by trade, is leading the hunt for Libya's former dictator Moammar Gadhafi.

    By Mike Taibbi, NBC News Correspondent

    TRIPOLI, Libya – Three weeks after Libyan dictator Moammar Gadhafi was driven out of Tripoli, effectively ending his 42-year reign, his would-be successor addressed a cheering crowd of thousands in what used to be called Green Square, the now renamed Martyrs’ Square.

    "We seek a state of law and prosperity," said Mustafa Abdul Jalil, the interim head of the anti-Gadhafi forces’ National Transitional Council. The interim government has been recognized by scores of other countries as Libya's new governing authority. With fireworks crackling in the early evening (not gunfire), Jalil warned his own forces against acts of retribution aimed at the remaining Gadhafi loyalists.

    "To anyone who harmed the Libyan people in any way," he intoned, “we need the courts... the judicial system... to decide." With that there were more fireworks, a crescendo of shouted acclamation.

    Just off the square, a Ferris wheel glittered brightly among the other children’s rides in the city's now re-opened amusement park.  In the harbor that had been empty only days earlier, no fewer than 15 tankers were tied up and waiting for the signal to start taking on fresh shipments of oil and natural gas from two refineries lurching back into production. The shops and cafes in the city's retail sections have come back to life. Sanitation crews are on full schedule, cleaning the city and white-uniformed traffic control officers are back working patiently at the task of keeping the rivers of cars moving.  

    Tripoli basically liberated itself on Aug. 21. There had only been a few brief, albeit bloody, skirmishes as rebel forces moved in – Gadhafi “loyalists” simply melting away as they had in many smaller cities and towns as the revolution made its way to the capitol. 

    The city’s painters have been busy since then, too – the green of the Gadhafi Revolution of 1969 has already been replaced in thousands of places by the tri-color standard of the National Transitional Council.

    And yet no one we've spoken to or heard from – including Abdul Jalil – has proclaimed a "declaration of liberation." The civil war isn’t over, and  won’t be over until one question on the minds of all Libyans is answered: “Where is Gadhafi?”


    On the hunt
    A half mile from Martyrs’ Square where Jalil was speaking, a quiet man in a neat charcoal grey suit sighed at the question. "Psychologically," said Hisham Buhagiar, pausing at the word, "it is hard to believe that Libya is free.  I look over my shoulder when I call people on the phone, and wonder if the phone is tapped. We still talk in codes..."

    A carpet salesman by trade, there are colorful rugs hanging on the walls of his modest office and sample swatches in the entranceway of the nondescript building, Buhagiar has spent almost his entire adulthood in a secret group fostering opposition to Gadhafi and planning his ouster. 

    When the war started on Feb. 17 his group came out of the shadows and took up arms – they had trained for it over the years, Buhagiar said, in clandestine trips to weapons camps outside Libya. Buhagiar had been a soldier in four battles during the war earlier this year, suffering gunshot wounds to both legs along the way. Now he's no longer a soldier, but has a different task:  He's the man leading the hunt for Gadhafi himself. 

    "He's always on the move, going back and forth and not in one place for long," Buhagiar said of his target.  "He's now under our surveillance. I think we are close enough to get him, perhaps in 10 days or so.  I really mean it."

    But by "close enough," Buhagiar concedes it means an area of some 150 square miles in the southern Sahara around the town of Sabha, near the border of landlocked Niger. 

    Buhagiar's team is made up of around 60 hunters – but there's no catchy name for the unit or for their mission, nothing like "Operation No More Moammar.” The team relies on both technology and “human assets,” people on the ground in the southern desert enclaves whose reported sightings of Gadhafi's large contingent match the chatter they've picked up through cellphone triangulation.

    "But we don't have the technology to track satellite phone conversations," he said, saying carefully that "we have help with that" from other countries. From the U.S.? Great Britain? NATO countries? He nodded in general assent, but said nothing more on the subject.

    "The guy has a lot of money, a lot of power," Buhagiar said of his nemesis. "He can hide. Libya is a big country, there's a vast desert with a lot of different tribes. Believe me, that's his neighborhood…That's where he grew up, it’s home for him. And he's been paying his people a lot of money."

    Hisham Buhagiar  has been searching for Moammar Gadhafi and recently spoke with NBC's Mike Taibbi about the hunt. He says if Gadhafi is caught, he will be put "through courts."

    By "his people," Buhagiar estimates a core traveling contingent of 300 to 500 people, including security forces and his remaining inner circle intimates. At times, Buhagiar reports, his team has received reports of groups that size on the move, pitching tents for a night, gone again the next day.

    And what happens if and when his chase teams catch up to the group…and to Gadhafi himself?
           
    "They will just catch him," he said. "We're not going there to kill him...We need to bring him to justice."  

    Buhagiar said it would be "good for our ego...if we catch him ourselves," but that he'd have no qualms if Gadhafi escaped to another country which then handed him back to Libya for trial. What about Interpol's "Red Alert" placing Gadhafi at the top of its international "Most Wanted List" for prosecution by the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity?

    "The Libyan people will put him on trial," he says.  "Perhaps they will hang him."

    Hoping the end is near
    As civil wars go, this one was quick and surprisingly efficient. Barely six months from beginning to end, perhaps 30,000 killed on both sides, ragtag clusters of rebels armed at first with hunting rifles and the ardor of the oppressed morphing into an actual fighting force.

    It helped immeasurably that tens of thousands of Gadhafi's loyalists – weary of his brutal and increasingly eccentric rule – simply laid down and cut and run in one town after another as the war progressed, leaving mercenaries to do much of the fighting. They left their weapons behind when they ran,  providing each class of better-trained rebels with increasing firepower of their own so that in the end it wasn't just an equal playing field, it was tilted toward the rebels' way.

    And, of course, there was the U.N. resolution and subsequent NATO bombing campaign. Without it, Gadhafi’s Air Force and Navy – through whatever motivation – might have supplemented the Gadhafi ground forces and made the rebels' march to Tripoli impossible.

    Buhagiar conceded that point. "I am a realist," he said, observing that despite years of planning, hoping and the authentic passions of the opposition, there would have been little chance of success, without the help of a real international coalition. “We had no organization, no weapons, no money; no nothing...We were just ordinary people saying ‘no’ to Gadhafi. He had the guns, the money, the power, the land."

    Now things seem to be near the end, a couple of holdout towns are refusing to let the National Transitional Council fighters plant their flag, and Gadhafi is still on the run, in hiding. Buhagiar is certain he'll be caught, sooner rather than later.

    "We'll put him through the courts. We'll see what his faith is...but we should hear from him. Hear why he was doing all this, why he killed all the people he killed."

    And when that part of the story is done, when liberation is final and complete, what will Buhagiar do?
     
    "I have a business to run..." 

  • How 9/11 changed Pakistan

    Veteran journalist Fakhar Rehman reports from Pakistan's tribal areas. He believes many people in his homeland saw the U.S. reaction to 9/11 as an attack on Islam.

    By Fakhar Rehman, NBC News

    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — When I turned on my television at home on September 11, 2001, I was stunned to see passenger planes hitting symbols of America's financial and military strength.

    My journalistic instincts kicked in and I contacted Sohail Shaheen, the Taliban Embassy spokesman in Islamabad. "Are you watching TV?" I asked him. His reply was, "No." I explained the breaking news that was unfolding on-air. He denied the Taliban were involved. I told him to get ready — the whole world would soon be focusing on Afghanistan. At the time, I did not realize that the focus would eventually turn to my own country of Pakistan.

    Thousands pay respects to 9/11 victims

    Covering the "War on Terror" as a Pakistani journalist over the last decade, I've found myself in many unexpected situations. One week after the U.S. invaded Afghanistan, I received a call from the Taliban to pick up my visa from their Embassy in Islamabad. Once there, I was told they were taking me to Jalalabad — immediately. I called my family, got on the bus with the Taliban and spent the next three days wearing the same clothes while interviewing Taliban members and reporting from Afghanistan. Thank God, I returned home safely.


    As a Muslim, the 9/11 attacks pushed me to probe my own religion and try to offer assessments in the debate on Islam and extremism. I've always believed that no religion supports killing. Extremism has nothing to do with any religion; it's a reaction, an outburst of feelings for a person who passes through certain difficulties and sees no other way. But, like many Pakistanis and others around the world, I did consider the U.S. action after 9/11 to be too big. President George W. Bush's decision to call it a "crusade" led to a great divide in the Muslim world. The evil men who perpetrated the 9/11 attacks could then be called "warriors" in this "crusade," and not "criminals," as they should have been. People here saw the U.S. reaction as an attack on Islam.

    Islamists protest in Pakistan on 9/11 anniversary

    Over the last 10 years, I've watched Pakistan became a divided nation. Everyone now has to define himself by where he falls on the line of extremist, liberal, or moderate. The country now looks like a war zone, with checkpoints and security barriers in all the main cities. Suicide attacks were an unknown phenomenon here — the first in years was the assassination attempt on President Pervez Musharraf in December 2003. Now they happen all the time.

    Thousands of people have been killed here, children have been orphaned and entire families have been uprooted — insecurity has become the dominant feeling in the last 10 years. No-go zones, checkpoints, anti-terror courts — these are all everyday things in Pakistanis' lives. They never were before 9/11.

    'This will be a long war'
    There has been a loss of personal freedom. Never ever before were journalists regarded with suspicion but now I am regularly searched. My right to move and report freely has been curtailed but I see this profession as a way to continue fighting for those rights for all.

    The U.S. was right to punish the 9/11 perpetrators but it laid the wrong foundation for its "crusade." As a result, Pakistani society has become more segmented, pushing Islamist and liberal political parties further apart. The Pakistan Army has to fight terrorists while trying to convince the masses it's not fighting a war against Islamists.

    'American response was more deadly than 9/11' 

    Ten years ago I met a Taliban fighter on that trip to Jalalabad and I asked him how they would face a war against America. "Our fighters have already moved into the mountains," he said. "This will be a long war and we are ready."

    The fight is still on. But despite the changes I've seen in my own country, I still believe Pakistan will emerge a strong and stable nation.

     

  • In Tahrir Square, US not as hated anymore

    Pierre-Arnaud Blanchard / NBC News

    Mohamed Hassan, political cartoonist, holds his book, "Bush in Cartoons," during a demonstration against Egypt’s provisional military rule in Cairo's Tahrir Square Friday.

    CAIRO – In the days and months following the Sept. 11 attacks, NBC News regularly went to the streets to ask why the U.S. was seemingly hated by many across the Arab World.

    We found, however, that few Egyptians wanted to share their thoughts with representatives of an American TV network.

    But, times have changed. In Cairo’s Tahrir Square on Friday, protesters had gathered for a demonstration against Egypt’s provisional military rule – and they were happy to chat.

    Now, 10 years after the 9/11 attacks and their own revolution, the sentiments of many of the people we spoke with toward the U.S. were much more positive, diverse and nuanced. 

    ‘America is good and it means freedom’
    The good news: Opinion is no longer unified against the U.S. despite its continued military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan and the ongoing stalemate between Israel and the Palestinians.  

    “Barack Obama is trying much harder than President Bush to spread more peace in the world and correct the wrong idea about the United States and its policy in the Middle East,” said Omar Barakat, a 20-year-old medical student.   

    And although Hiahsm Faez, a 32- year-old writer, said many still disagree with the U.S. policy over Israel, he likes the current president much more than his predecessor.  “Obama is better than George W. Bush. The time of war [with Iraq] was when this man was president of the United States. I think it was crazy to kill all the people [in Iraq] without reason.  I think all that [Bush] said about Iraq and Afghanistan was a big lie.”

    Saif Amin, a mechanical engineer, said he is convinced the U.S. is responsible for the success of Egypt’s revolution because he believes the U.S. convinced Egypt’s military to side with the people against former President Mubarak.

    “America is good and it means freedom. Mr. Obama changed American politics,” said Amin. “In Iraq, Mr. Bush was bad, but Mr. Obama is very good.”  

    Mohamed Hassan, a political cartoonist who published a collection of his work called “Bush in Cartoons,” recalled feeling very sorry for the people who died in the 9/11 attacks, but holds Bush responsible for the wars that followed. “Now, American policy is better than before. What do all Arabs want? We want freedom, we want to build ourselves.” 

    Mohamad Muslemany / NBC News

    One of the participant in the demonstration against Egypt's provisional military rule in Tahrir Square on Friday.

    Others believe the United States should do even more to help Arab people gain freedom from dictators.

    “People in Syria have been slaughtered for six months now. Where is America?” asked Hanan Imsah, a 24-year-old journalist. “The U.S. only intervenes if it has interests. When their interest in the Mubarak regime ended, they supported the revolution.”

    9/11 skepticism persists
    Many of the people we spoke with condemned militant groups like al-Qaida and said they hold no allure for today’s young men. “Egypt has nothing to do with al-Qaida,” said Imsah. “We are peaceful.”  

    Still, even with the passing of time, some things don’t change: like the persistent myths about the attacks of 9/11. Shockingly, many university students, who were children when the towers crumbled, continue to insist the Bush administration or Israel had a hand in the tragedy. 

    Barakat, the medical student, believes that U.S. intelligence staged the 9/11 attacks as a pretext for war in Iraq.

    “I still don’t know about that 9/11 thing,” he said. “Some people say it was organized in the States and was just propaganda to the American citizens to support Bush in his policies. I don’t accuse Osama bin Laden. Was he an American agent? He died with his secrets.” 

    Even the cartoonist, Hassan, remained skeptical. “[Bush] made a war because of that incident. He accused bin Laden without trial or without being 100 percent sure who did it.  Nobody can know who was inside that plane.”

    NBC News Mohamed Muslemany and Pierre-Arnaud Blanchard contributed to this report.

  • Iraqi: 'We are paying the price' for 9/11

    Iraqis reflect on the 10th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. "They used the events of Sept. 11 as an excuse to enter Iraq," says Lana Shaikhly, a law student in Baghdad.

    As the U.S. marks the 10th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks, Iraqis reflect on what the attacks meant for them.

    "This incident was the end of peace in the Middle East. Not only in Iraq, war started and all of our lives have been changed," said Lana Shaikhly, a 21-year-old law student in Baghdad.

    "They used the events of Sept. 11 as an excuse to enter Iraq. It's one of the reasons."


    For Haydar Al-Rubaie, a shopkeepr in Baghdad, Iraq really got the brunt of the attacks. "The attacks hurt innocent people and at the end of the day, we are paying the price for it. We were not guilty of the attacks, but we are paying the price for it."

    Click on the video above to hear more Iraqi voices on the attacks of 9/11.

  • Egyptian press muted by restrictions, uncertainty

    In Egypt, where just six months ago the press was exulting in newfound freedoms after the ouster of autocratic President Hosni Mubarak, caution is now the watchword.

    “Right after Mubarak fell, you had this window that was incredible — everything goes,” said Shibley Telhami, professor at the University of Maryland, College Park, and nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution's Saban Center for Middle East Policy. “Journalists discovered that they were real journalists. The most interesting stuff I read was that first month of the revolution. It appears less free now than right after the revolution.”

    What has happened to Egypt’s media, Telhami and other experts suggest, reflects the situation of the country as a whole, which remains under the rule of a transitional military government, called the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, that has twice delayed planned parliamentary elections. While the press and electronic media are afflicted by ham-handed restrictions handed down by the military council, they are also affected by the pall of uncertainty that hangs over the country, they say.

    There are some concrete reasons for journalists are walking on eggs.


    Nasser Nasser / AP

    Egyptian journalist Rasha Azab of the independent weekly al-Fagr receives support from colleagues as she arrives for questioning by investigators at the military prosecutor's office in Cairo on June 19. Azab and her editor Adel Hammouda were summoned for questioning over an article detailing complaints of human rights abuses.

    For one thing, the vast majority of Egypt’s press is employed by state-run or semi-state run publications, which means they depend on the government for their paychecks.  Telhami said that at least some of the current caution is a return to greater self-censorship.

    “Official newspapers still handle the military carefully,” he said. “The military is trying to figure out how far to push and where and journalists are trying to find out how critical they can be.”

    There is also the example of Maikel Nabil Sanad, the first blogger jailed after Mubarak’s fall who was later sentenced to three years in jail for violating a law that prohibits “insulting the People’s Assembly, the Shura Council or any State Authority, or the Army or the Courts,” and for “spreading false information.”

    Among the writings that caused offense was a post in which he argued that “the army and the people never were as one.”

    Now Sanad, who has been on a hunger strike since Aug. 23, is suffering a serious heart problem and has been transferred to the prison infirmary, according to the media Watchdog Group Reporters without Borders.

    “The situation of bloggers now is reminiscent of the repression that prevailed before Hosni Mubarak’s overthrow in February,” said a statement from the organization. “Freeing the first prisoner of conscience since the revolution would be a powerful symbolic gesture, one that the entire international community would see as a sign of a commitment to openness.”

    But there’s no sign the military is prepared to make symbolic gestures and break with firmly held tradition, at least not until a new government is in place.

    “There’s no question the military is very sensitive about their image,” said Telhami. “Whenever there is a critique of the military in the press, they go on the defensive. … That has become an intimidating factor.”

    Meanwhile, the government has set new limits on reporting testimony in the trial of Mubarak and his top officials, who are accused of ordering the use of lethal force against Egyptian protesters.

    After initial hearings, where there was fighting between pro- and anti-Mubarak groups outside the courthouse, and shouting among lawyers within the chambers, the judge barred further broadcast of the proceedings. This move was initially met by suspicion among bloggers and broadcasters, though the trial remains open to journalists.

    Also on Thursday the government froze the number of satellite TV station licenses pointing to what one official called an increasingly chaotic market. The communication minister said it would also take legal measures against satellite stations that incite sedition and violence, the Associated Press reported.

    Since the uprising, there has been a proliferation of satellite stations and newspapers in Egypt, founded by government critics, Islamists, members of the old regime and other political figures.

    Experts point out that while Egypt is in transition, there is a plan to move from military control to a new form of civilian government.  After the parliament is in place, its members will be responsible for drafting a constitution and laying the groundwork for presidential elections.

    Steven A. Cook, senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, said that although the parliamentary elections scheduled for November were initially scheduled for June, it doesn’t mean the military is trying to cling to power. He said the delay is more likely to benefit newly formed parties that are trying to take on the established political players in Egypt.

    He added that while the military council appears to be trying to govern, its main objective is preserving peace until elections can be held.

    “The military’s prime directive is stability. They are worried about social cohesion,” said Cook. “The problem is that it undermines claims about setting the stage for a new more democratic and open Egypt.”

    But none of the media policies should be seen as permanent, observers say.

    “Until there is an election… there will be uncertainty about who makes decisions, and how far you can go and still keep your job,” said Telhami. “Then we’ll see how it evolves.”

    Click here to follow Kari Huus on Facebook.

  • Austrian man, 80, accused of raping daughters is freed

    The Austrian news agency APA and Agence France-Presse are reporting that the 80-year-old Austrian man accused of raping his two daughters for 41 years was freed Friday after the women changed their stories. (APA's report, in German, is here.)

    AFP quotes prosecutors as saying the mentally handicapped women, ages 53 and 45, "denied any sexual abuse by their father" in a new round of questioning.

    The name of the man, who lives in Linz, hasn't been publicly released, but the case was widely followed across Europe, dubbed by APA as "one of the greatest crimes in local criminal history."

    The man denied the claims, saying his daughters were referring to another abuser. Friday, prosecutors told APA that it was "questionable" whether the two women "understood the relevant concepts in general."

  • N. Korea reportedly jams U.S. aircraft's GPS, forcing emergency landing

    A U.S. military reconnaissance aircraft was forced to make an emergency landing after coming under electronic attack from North Korea, Agence France Press reported Friday.

    AFP, which reported that the jamming occurred in March during a joint U.S.-South Korean military exercise, attributed the information to an unidentified aide to opposition lawmaker Ahn Kyu-Baek. The aide said the incident was disclosed in a report that Seoul's Defense Ministry submitted Thursday to of Parliament's Defense Committee.


    According to the aide, the U.S. aircraft was forced to land about 45 minutes after takeoff when jamming signals from the North Korean cities of Haeju and Kaesong disrupted its global positioning system (GPS) as it was taking part in the annual exercisel, Key Resolve, AFP said.

    There was no immediate confirmation of the incident or comment from the Pentagon.

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